Blog No. 266. Hope for America: Biden and Harris

This week, Democrats will nominate Joe Biden and Kamala Harris as their 2020 ticket. It is a ticket that deserves to win, and should win in a landslide that gives Donald Trump a defeat of McGovern or Goldwater proportions. As Gerald Ford put it on the departure of Richard Nixon, our “long national nightmare” will be over. But in this case, the end of the nightmare is not assured, and the uncertainty is as baffling to some of us as it is disturbing.

In retrospect, it is possible to grasp a measure of the fears and resentments that propelled Trump to a narrow victory over a flawed and baggage-laden opponent who mismanaged her campaign. On the other hand, in 2020, a record in office of staggering incompetence, corruption, and contempt for the rule of law should have put reelection well beyond Trump’s grasp. And yet…there is still the inexplicable but unfailing devotion of his base (a base that now includes the weird but growing cult of QAnon followers). And even more sober Republicans seem paralyzed by partisan loyalty. Then there is Trump’s indecent assault on the Postal Service, a desperate attempt to avoid the verdict of voters by crippling the use of mail-in voting. Finally, if the election is less than a landslide, Trump will have manifold opportunities for electoral chicanery. (See, Blog No. 265. The Coming Trump Coup?). In short, nothing can be taken for granted.)

Personally, I identified with a fellow member of Republican Voters Against Trump who memorably declared some time ago, “If Joe Biden drops out and the D.N.C. runs a tomato can, I will vote for the tomato can.” Fortunately, however, Joe Biden didn’t drop out and isn’t going to, and the team of Biden and Harris is no tomato can. Readers of RINOcracy.com may recall that I preferred Amy Klobuchar for the Democratic nomination for President and, after she dropped out of that race, I hoped she would be selected for the Vice Presidential slot. Those preferences no longer matter. Joe Biden and Kamala Harris will be strong candidates and, if they are elected, there is every reason to be confident that they will serve our country honorably and effectively.

Joe Biden needs no introduction here. He has a record of public service at the national level extending over more than forty years, beginning with his election to the Senate in 1972 and culminating with the Vice Presidency under Barack Obama. If you ask almost anyone to describe Biden in a few words, “decent” and “empathy” are almost certain to be among them. That alone would be a refreshing change from the incumbent, and they are personal qualities that would be important assets for any President who has a genuine interest in unifying the country.

On the negative side, Biden is known for loquacity, and his loquacity sometimes comes with gaffes, for which Biden has a considerable reputation. Biden critics also point to his age and suggest that his mental acuity may have diminished. On both counts, however, Biden profits from comparison with his rival, whose penchant for making false and misleading (and sometimes bizarre) statements is unparalleled in American history. Biden and Trump are approximately the same age, but in terms of mental capacity, I would pick Biden in a heartbeat.

In terms of policy, I will not attempt even a summary critique of Biden’s proposals, or a detailed assessment of any of them, but a few highlights are worth mentioning.

COVID-19 Pandemic It now seems unlikely that the COVID-19 pandemic will be vanquished by Inauguration Day. If it is not, that will be the nation’s most pressing challenge and Biden has made it clear that his approach will differ markedly from Trump’s. Biden will follow and support experts rather than publicly questioning or denigrating them:

Public health emergencies require disciplined, trustworthy leadership grounded in science. In a moment of crisis, leadership requires listening to experts and communicating credible information to the American public.

Climate Change Biden has made it clear that he will take on climate change, a vital issue that cannot be safely discussed or even acknowledged in the science-free halls of the Trump administration:

From coastal towns to rural farms to urban centers, climate change poses an existential threat – not just to our environment, but to our health, our communities, our national security, and our economic well-being. It also damages our communities with storms that wreak havoc on our towns and cities and our homes and schools. It puts our national security at risk by leading to regional instability that will require U.S. military-supported relief activities and could make areas more vulnerable to terrorist activities.

Biden will rejoin the Paris Accord and restore the indispensable but recently missing American leadership on climate change.

Healthcare Biden has not proposed a Sanders/Warren version of “Medicare for All,” but, rather, has outlined a plan to strengthen and improve the Affordable Care Act, including the addition of a public healthcare insurance option. In the past four years, Trump has repeatedly promised a healthcare plan to replace the ACA, but none has ever emerged. (At the same time, Trump’s Justice Department is litigating to end the provision of the ACA that assures coverage for pre-existing conditions.)

Foreign Policy Biden has long experience in foreign affairs, and he is well respected by foreign leaders. He does not share Donald Trump’s aversion to multilateral agreements or Trump’s instinct to disparage allies. He can be counted on to repair our frayed relationships with NATO members and he does not share Trump’s peculiar affection for Vladimir Putin. Biden will face the necessity of addressing the growing challenges posed by China around the world. While Biden has not issued a detailed statement on China policy, an article in the Los Angeles Times captured his likely approach:

Outwardly, Biden is unlikely to pursue the kind of hyper-enthusiastic, effusive bromance that Trump initially sought with China’s President Xi Jinping, nor engage in the angry tweets and bellicose threats at China that followed. Biden will be looking to work with other nations, rather than picking fights with allies or taking unilateral actions like those that have marked Trump’s presidency.

Kamala Harris is less well defined in the public eye, but she has already brought energy and enthusiasm to the ticket–shown by an impressive influx of donations immediately following Biden’s announcement of her selection. Outside of California, Harris is probably best known for a sharp exchange with Biden during a debate in which she criticized his opposition many years ago to mandated school busing. In the general election neither the exchange nor the issue are likely to register with many of the public.

The Trump campaign has yet to figure out quite how to attack Harris. For his part, Trump reacted predictably with crude insults. Trump and his campaign will probably settle on attempting to characterize Harris as a figure of the “radical left” who will exert a malign influence on Biden, drawing or pushing him leftward. Moreover, given Biden’s age, they will warn, subtly or not so subtly, that Harris might become President herself, either at the end of a Biden single term in January 2025 or even before the end of that term. They will hope such a prospect will seem particularly ominous to any who are uncomfortable with the fact that Harris is not only a woman but a black woman. That tactic, however, is not likely, to have much traction with the “suburban housewives” Trump is attempting to court through fear mongering.

Harris has a very liberal voting record in the Senate, but unlike Elizabeth Warren, she does not have a well-developed ideology and agenda of her own. As Vice President she is most likely to follow the Biden model of that office, offering advice but diligently following the lead of her President. And Biden, having thought about being President, and having wanted to be President for decades, is unlikely to play a passive role after his time has finally come. As for Harris as President or candidate for President, that possibility cannot be ruled out, but for most people, there will be time enough to worry about such a development when and if it arises. (I will say that if Harris is the Democratic candidate in 2024, and her opponent is Tucker Carlson or Donald Trump, Jr., I will be in her corner.)

Republican John Kasich, recent Governor of Ohio, will speak at the Democratic convention to endorse Biden. He will appear with a group of other prominent Republicans that includes former New Jersey governor and director of the Environmental Protection Agency Christine Todd Whitman, former Senate candidate Meg Whitman, former Staten Island congresswoman (and keynoter at the Republicans’ 1996 convention) Susan Molinari.  I would, frankly, prefer to have Kasich speaking at the Republican convention, giving an address to accept our Party’s nomination for President. If that were the case, I would happily join the ranks of his supporters. But that was not to be, and his role at the Democratic convention is an honorable and potentially important substitute. Will Kasich’s speech influence many Republicans? Almost certainly not. But he may influence some, and if the election is closer than it should be, that could be crucial. As Peter Beinart wrote in the Atlantic:

[F]or some current and former Republicans—skeptical of socialism but disgusted by Trump’s pitiless narcissism—a message of bipartisan, ideologically flexible compassion has deep appeal. By asking Kasich to speak at the Democratic convention, Biden is making him his emissary to those voters. He couldn’t have made a better choice.

About the artist The portraits of Joe Biden and Kamala Harris are by Sandy Treadwell whose work may be viewed at sandytreadwell.com. In an earlier life Sandy was New York Secretary of State from 1995-2001 and Chairman of the New York Republican State Committee from 2001-2004. From 2004-2008, he was a member of the Republican National Committee from New York.